Showing posts with label sexualization. Show all posts
Showing posts with label sexualization. Show all posts

Saturday, May 26, 2012

Frank G. Karioris - The Subject and the Object of Your Gender


This is an older post from The Good Men Project site, but I think it's a worthwhile read, even though it has a much more (needlessly) academic tone than most articles on GMP. Karioris seems to be arguing for men to take back their definition of masculinity that, at least in the academic world, has been almost solely defined by feminists and feminism.

His use of the subject-object divide in this context is interesting. His view is that women, from their own subjective perspective, have defined masculinity as an object in their experience of men. Many men have accepted that definition as an objective truth and adopted it as their definition of masculinity, even when it conflicts with their own subjective experience of being a man. We need, as men, the argument goes, to reclaim our subjectivity and create our own unique masculinities.

He notes the role of feminism in trying to help women becomes the subjects of their gender identity - which is true. Over the 50 or 60 years that feminism has been working on that cause (and many women have become the subjects of their own lives rather than the object in a man's world), there has also been an increasing objectification of women as sex objects in particular, especially in the media.

It's worth noting that as men are finally launching a nascent movement toward becoming subjects (as I've mentioned before, most men have been defined and oppressed over the centuries by those few men with wealth, so we have not been our own subjects - we were subjects of the king), men are also becoming sexualized objects in the media, or more so than in the past.

The Subject and the Object of Your Gender

February 27, 2012 By


 

The primary concept presented here highlights the disjunctive dichotomy between being the Subject of one’s story or the Object of someone else’s; which connects to a multifaceted conception of masculinity while examining the idea that gender writing has sometimes silenced men’s voice, creating a faux marionette of masculinity.

Every story has a subject around which the narrative centralizes. Beyond the subject lie people and objects, which the subject encounters and defines through a particular lens. Paulo Freire, an educational philosopher, explains that the distinction between Subject and Object is a system which disempowers the Object and furthers their domination.

To be the Subject requires the ability to define one’s self in context with an active participation in the construction of an identity. In opposition to the Subject is the Object, which is defined by something outside of it and which has no control of its selfhood. To be the Subject is both a condition of determining one’s own identity, and requisite for empowerment.

“If men and women are searchers and their vocation is humanization [becoming Subjects,] sooner or later they may perceive the contradiction” of being Objects and will “then engage themselves in the struggle for their liberation” [3]. In this regard, feminism has taken up the banner for female liberation. This struggle for liberation, and the desire to be a Subject, has led to a redefinition of femininity and in the same breath has opened up the idea that masculinity can likewise be reassessed.

The implications of this change is that a person, by defining their own identity, alters the manner in which identities are defined and thought of, producing a movable construction of gender. A critical idea that has been central to Feminism is the belief that one “must take care not to (mis)represent the diverse positions of different women, nor collapse the complex multiple social identities of women into a simplistic notion of gender identity” [4].

This recognition of the multiplicity of gender identities is a starting ground for Subjects. Diane Elson says women are not “a homogeneous group with the same interests and viewpoint everywhere.” Feminism has tried to create a space for women to determine their own identity, allowing women to be the authors of their own stories.

While the idea of a singularity of femininity has been dispelled, masculinity is still seen as such. As female ‘icons’ such as Barbie have been dethroned, the unattainable bastions of masculinity (John Wayne and Clint Eastwood) have remained. This unrealistic version of masculinity is problematic and often takes the form of a universal masculinity, posed as the oppressive force towards women.

Judith Butler says: “The political assumption that there must be a universal basis for feminism, one which must be found in an identity assumed to exist cross-culturally, often accompanies the notion that the oppression of women has some singular form discernible in the universal or hegemonic structure of patriarchy or masculine domination.”

She continues the idea of a singularity of gender and masculinity, stating: “The urgency of feminism to establish a universal status for patriarchy in order to strengthen the appearance of feminism’s own claims to be representative has occasionally motivated a shortcut to a categorial or fictive universality of the structure of domination, held to produce women’s common subjugated experience.”

Not only does it allow for a singular masculinity, Butler states that it also puts women into the same shared experience, in effect creating a singularity of femininity as well. By presenting men as the common enemy, it seeks unity under domination, and puts universality upon both masculinity as adversary and femininity as victim.

♦◊♦

Masculinity in many cases has been made an Object whilst feminism has claimed femininity as Subject. Holding that men are important in the gender conversation and that masculinity, and its redefinition, is necessary for the success of an evolution in gender roles and relationships, men must become instruments for change and advocates towards Subjects.

Dissociating men from the feminist movement is detrimental to the movement, the women involved in it, and the men who are excluded. The fight for true gender equality must stretch beyond gender camps.

Regardless of gender, one should be the Subject of their own identity. Men must seek a more significant voice in a gender discourse that accepts a varied understanding of masculinity. Each of us should have the ability to define for ourselves how we choose to express our masculinity or femininity and be the Subjects of our own story.
♦◊♦
 References
1. Butler, J. (2008) Gender Trouble, London: Routledge.
2. Elson, D. (1991) ‘Male bias in the development process: an overview’, in Elson, D. (ed.) Male Bias in the Development Process, Manchester: Manchester University Press.
3. Freire, P. (1996) Pedagogy of the Oppressed, London: Penguin Books.
4. Jackson, C. & Pearson, R. (1998) ‘Introduction: Interrogating Development: Feminism, gender and policy’, in Jackson, C. & Pearson, R. (ed.) Feminist Visions of Development, London: Routledge.
 There is a good comment and reply for this post - worth checking out. The post really generated few comments, and my guess is that people were turned off by the academese.

Thursday, January 13, 2011

Sexual Harassment Is Not about Being Male: It’s about Gender Socialization

I wrote this a couple of weeks ago in response to some discussion going on over at The Good Men Project site - it was intended for posting on their blog, but it grew and grew and got to be too big for their format (and most others). Plus, I don't think they wanted it. Minor details.

Fortunately, I have no problem posting long and unwieldy articles here. Especially if they are mine. Comments welcome.

* * * * * * * *

Sexual Harassment Is Not about Being Male:
It’s about Gender Socialization

Over at The Good Men Project Magazine, there has been a discussion revolving around men harassing women through cat-calls and wolf-whistles, among other ways. Katie Baker began the discussion with an article a week or so ago, A Good Man’s Guide to Catcalling, which generated a good amount of feedback and a follow-up from Ryan O'Hanlon, blog editor for the Good Men Project, entitled Are Men the Victims of Catcalls, Too?

A central element of the discussion is that men are perpetrators of harassment, that they sexualize and objectify women. Ms. Baker offers the following observations:

Go ask any woman in your life whom you respect—mother, sister, cousin, lover, or friend—how it makes her feel when she’s loudly and publicly objectified, the recipient of obscene comments like “suck my cock,” or followed down the street. I promise you that it doesn’t make her feel good or beautiful or respected.

Street harassment has a negative effect on us all. No single man wants the actions of a few to be attributed to his entire gender, but studies show that male harassers impact victims’ perception and reaction to men in general. Still, most street harassers aren’t “bad men”—they don’t fully realize why their actions are hurtful or disrespectful to the female population. Sometimes they don’t even realize they are harassing women at all.

That’s why it won’t end until both men and women start engaging with harassers.

She’s correct – male objectification of women has terrible consequences for female self-esteem, especially in terms of body-image (Strelan & Hargreaves, 2005), and even their cognitive performance (Gay & Castano, 2010).

In fact, it is so much a part of our culture that women are judged, admired, and valued for how they look physically, that most women engage in self-objectification – they have internalized the external evaluations as a measure of their own self-worth, which is a powerful factor for some women in their experience of eating disorders (Moradi, Dirks & Matteson, 2005).

It is actually the process of self-objectification that causes the drop in cognitive performance for women who are prone to this behavior (not all women engage in self-objectification). Gay and Castano speculate that the drop in cognitive function is a result of brain energy being split between seeing the self as a unique individual and also as an object (apparently, Fredrickson & Roberts had identified this originally in a 1997 paper). Essentially, a woman sees herself as both an individual and a generic sexual object, which creates a cognitive discomfort, “with a resulting decrease in the availability of cognitive resources for the tasks the individual engages in."

So far it’s not looking good for men.

Sexual Harassment in Children

On the other hand, men learn these objectifying behaviors as boys – but so do girls.

In a 2000 study, Murnen and Smolak looked at sexual harassment in 3rd and 5th grade children, finding that the “majority” of boys and girls experienced harassment about equally. Bryant (1993), who looked at students in grades 8-11, also found high numbers – although girls are more likely to be harassed by adults (teachers and school employees), which is especially alarming:

Of over 1600 students in grades 8–11, 76% of the boys and 85% of the girls reported experiencing sexual harassment. Girls were more than twice as likely as boys to be harassed by a teacher or school employee. Approximately 12% of the boys who were harassed did not want to attend school and 13% reported that they talked less in class because of the harassment. Because of the harassment, fully one third of the harassed girls no longer wished to attend school, 32% reported that talking in class was more difficult, and 20% said they had received a lower class grade. Girls also reported altering their behavior to decrease the likelihood of harassment by avoiding certain people or places and even giving up attendance at school events.

In both cases, and even more so as boys and girls age, the girls suffer more from the impact of harassment and seek avoidance behaviors (the only exception might be gay boys and transgendered youth, who likely suffer more than either straight boys or girls). Some researchers attribute this disparity to the differences in perceived agentic power – i.e., males feel more able to fend off harassment while females feel the only solution is escape.

In another study, McMaster, et al (2002), looked at early adolescent harassment behaviors. While boys and girls seemed to experience relatively equal amounts of harassment, boys were more likely to self-report perpetrating harassment. Interestingly, they found boys more often also to be the victims of certain behaviors (boys, 42%; girls, 38%), especially homosexual slurs (“fag,” “queer,” “dyke,” or “lezzie”) and exposure to pornographic and sexual images – both of which are likely perpetrated by other boys. Overall, the study found that boys were more likely to report perpetrating harassment and also report being the target of harassment than were girls.

McMaster’s team also broke down harassment into same-gender and cross-gender. For this statistical analysis, they reduced the ten factors in their study to three general categories: a) verbal harassment, b) visual harassment, and c) physical harassment. They found a strong correlation between same-gender and cross-gender harassment, but they also found that these should be examined as distinct phenomena. In essence, the ways that boys harass boys is different from how they harass girls, and the same is true of girls.

However, what boys and men don’t realize in perpetrating these behaviors is that girls and women have a tendency to generalize those behaviors to all males (Chaudoir & Quinn, 2010). These researchers found that women who witness cat-calls directed at other women feel more gender allegiance, more anger toward men, and more likelihood to generalize that anger to men in general – this was manifested as a desire to move away from men (escape, just like grade school girls) and not to move against men (retaliation).

Generalizations about Gender Socialization

What we learn from these studies with children is that both boys and girls have a tendency to harass each other . . . and their own gender. The crucial difference is that girls (and homosexual adolescents, especially boys) are more damaged by this behavior than are boys.

The obvious question is why? The difference is likely in how boys and girls are socialized.

Please understand that the following observations are not meant to imply that boys are more independent and girls are more communal, which is often what is believed in the essentialist models of gender development. Moreover, transgender people and other gender-queer identities call into question the entire binary model of gender identity (Campbell & I’Anson, 2005). Boys are not significantly more individualistic, and girls are not innately more interpersonally dependent – there are mild differences at birth while differences in adults are largely socially constructed traits.

Boys are taught from a very early age to be tough, self-reliant, and not like girls. David & Brannon (1976) described four standards of hegemonic American masculinity:

(1) “no sissy stuff” - Distance self from femininity, homophobia, avoid emotions
(2) “be a big wheel” - Strive for achievement and success, focus on competition
(3) “be a sturdy oak” - Avoid vulnerability, stay composed and in control, be tough
(4) “give ‘em hell” - Act aggressively to become dominant

Ronald Levant, et al (1992), offered an even more specific model of hegemonic masculinity, defining it in eight principles:

(1) restrict emotions
(2) avoid being feminine
(3) focus on toughness and aggression
(4) be self-reliant
(5) make achievement the top priority
(6) be non-relational
(7) objectify sex
(8) be homophobic

In order for boys to grow up within the dominant model of masculinity, they must adhere to these guidelines. To do otherwise is to be teased, bullied, and harassed – called a little girl, a fag, a mama’s boy, a queer, and so on. The socially constructive power of these forms of harassment should not be underestimated – even sensitive boys will become more “macho” to get along with peers. Furthermore, the power of imitation of older boys should also not be overlooked. Younger boys see older boys cat-calling and they imitate that behavior and then reinforce similar behavior among their peers.

However, there is also another perspective on this process – the psychodynamic model.

According to this model (Bussey & Bandura, 1999), boys and girls both identify with their primary caregiver until around the ages of three to five – the “caregiver” is generally the mother, or at least a female. At this point they begin to identify with the same sex parent. For boys, this means rejecting the mother (and because children at this age are concrete thinkers, female traits in general are shunned), but for girls, nothing really changes – they continue to model their behaviors after their mother.

The process of identification is depicted as one in which children undertake wholesale adoption of the characteristics and qualities of the same-sex parent. Through this process of identification, children become sex-typed. Because identification with the same-sex parent is stronger for boys than girls, boys are expected to be more strongly sex-typed. (Bussey & Bandura)

The original psychodynamic model (Freudian) is based on fear (castration and all that nonsense) but there is no evidence supporting Freud’s drive theory. Still, the basic process, as described above, is useful. Nancy Chodorow (1978) offered a crucial update on the model:

During the course of development, girls continue to identify with their mothers and they also psychologically merge with her. As a consequence, the daughter’s self-concept is characterized by mutuality and a sense of relatedness that orients her towards interpersonal relationships. This interpersonal orientation is the main reason why women engage in mothering. They seek to establish a sense of interpersonal connectedness reminiscent of their relationship with their mother but absent in their adult relationships with men. This pattern of development contrasts with that of boys who increasingly separate themselves from their mothers and define themselves in terms of difference from females. They begin to denigrate femininity in an attempt to establish their own separateness and individuation. (Cited in Bussey & Bandura)

Chodorow explains with this conceptualization why girls are more interpersonally inclined and why boys are more individually inclined – it’s a product of psycho-cultural gender socialization.

In this explanation there is also some contextualization for sexual harassment. In order for boys to become men, under the hegemonic view of manliness, they must reject and objectify all that is feminine. This same behavior is part of David & Brannon’s model, as well as Levant’s model. As mentioned above, objectification contributes to sexual harassment.

The Origins of Sexual Harassment

In Baker’s article for The Good Men Project, she makes the following claim about men harassing women: “it won’t end until both men and women start engaging with harassers.”

This may be true for the percentage of men who cat-call and wolf-whistle and are truly unaware that this form of attention is often unwanted by women. Yet, it’s also important to note here that many “men’s rights activists” (MRAs) would simply say that it’s not a big deal to be whistled at, so enjoy that men notice you. Some women agree with that position. But they’re wrong, based on the research, and Baker’s suggestion is only a partial solution. Despite objections from the MRA guys, the studies do show that women are negatively impacted by this kind of attention – and that alone is reason enough to stop it. However, simply confronting the perpetrators is not going to get anyone very far.

There needs to be a more integrative understanding of why men act this way and how they are shaped by the culture to act that way.

One of the first steps is to acknowledge that men also are being increasingly objectified by women in this culture. Even if men are not as psychologically impacted by this as are women, it contributes to an atmosphere where people are treated as less than unique human beings and are instead valued for their body-parts or their looks.

As evidence that men also are objectified, a brief Google search turned up the following articles:

Depressed, repressed, objectified: are men the new women? (The Guardian UK; August, 2003)

The Beefcaking of America: Everyone knows women who have body image issues. The secret: men have them too. (Psychology Today: Nov. 1994/Oct. 2009)

Shirtless Scene: The most common form of fanservice for women and gay men. (TVTropes.org)

The Women of The View Love to Objectify Men (Gawker; July, 2009) – The video is a little disturbing

Objectifying Men (Sociological Images; November, 2008)

From a fashion shoot for Elle Magazine (July 2008)

As women gain more power in the culture, they seem to be adopting more traditionally male behaviors (watch the video of the women from The View). Advertisers have been using naked women to sell products to men for ages, now they know it works with women as well.

Harassment, which grows out of objectifying bodies and sexuality, needs to be seen as the complicated result of social and cultural constructions that it is, and not as a “men are pigs” and “women are victims” issue – this helps no one.

Another step is to look at where boys learn these behaviors. It is not an exaggeration to say that as long as women are still the primary caregivers for our children, the solution starts with them. All of those restrictive, emotionally deadening behaviors that are demanded of boys (see the lists above) often start with caregivers – the mothers (this is not blaming because, quite often, mothers have no idea how their own unconscious beliefs shape their children).

How many times have you heard a mother say to her young boy – after he has fallen or been startled by a stranger – that “Big boys don’t cry”? I heard this from my own mother many times growing up, and from teachers, and coaches, and peers, and my father. Boys get these messages about how to be men from day one. In fact, studies have shown that mothers are more attentive and more interactive with female infants than with male infants (Eliot, 2009), even though male children require more attention to be soothed and comforted (Eliot, 2009; Weinberg, Tronick, & Cohn, 1999).

There are small differences between boys and girls at birth (Baron-Cohen, 2003; Eliot, 2009; Fine, 2010), but nearly everything parents traditionally have done in raising children serves to accentuate and amplify those differences. For example, boys tend to be fussier than girls as newborns (a generalization, of course, but poll 100 parents and ask their opinion). For caregivers, it’s easier to be positive in their responses to female infants, who tend to be happier, than to the fussier boys. The result is that girls get support and boys get more “shushing” – over time this sends negative messages to boys about expressing feelings. According to Eliot (2009), similar shaping (behavioral conditioning) occur throughout childhood.

From a social constructionist approach (which assumes that a large portion of our gender identity is socially constructed and not essential to our biological sex), who we become as adults is the result of our cultural context and our interpersonal attachment as infants and toddlers. All of the available evidence shows that if we raise our boys (and girls) differently, we can reduce or even minimize sexually harassing behaviors.

Be the Change

Once again, I support Baker’s suggestion that we need to engage with those who harass – both men and women. However, as I mentioned, this is only a partial solution. It may stop one person at a time – and that is where change often begins – but it will not prevent future harassers.

A third step in creating change is raising our children to have access to their own feelings, which is a crucial element of feeling empathy for others. Infants are inherently empathic – they cry in response to other infants crying. Female infants cry longer than male infants, and this slight difference become a slightly more substantial difference in adulthood (McClure, 2000). The difference is not in empathic ability, it’s a result of how boys are socialized not to feel their own feelings, making it much harder to empathize with others. McClure speculates that females are born with slightly more mature brains and that this difference becomes minimal in later childhood, only to widen in adulthood.

Heinz Kohut, the founder of Self Psychology, speculated that if the parents fail in their empathic response to the child, then the development of the child is arrested – it is in these circumstances that the child begins acting more aggressively to control its environment (cited in Rifkin, 2009). The work of Kohut, along with Fairbairn, Winnicott, Bowlby, and Ainsworth developed into attachment theory and eventually became the currently evolving field of interpersonal neurobiology.

Attachment theory looks at the ways a child bonds with its caregiver, creating either a secure attachment or one of three basic forms of insecure attachment. Securely attached children tend to grow up emotionally healthy and are much less likely to engage in aggressive behaviors. Insecurely attached children may become bullies (Eliot & Cornell, 2009), stalkers and partner abusers (Davis, Ace & Andra, 2000), or even victims of harassment (Bernstein & Watson, 1997).

If we want to raise kids who possess empathy and are securely attached, we need to change the way we raise our children. Some very recent research suggests that fathers need to become more involved – when they are actively involved and not absent, their children are less likely to suffer emotional troubles, become aggressive, experience addictions, or have run-ins with the law (Mossop, 2010).

Being present and being empathic is crucial, but it’s not the whole story.

The hardest part of changing how we raise our children is changing our own perspectives. Parents pass their own beliefs on to their children who then grow up and pass them on to their children. If we want to break the cycle, we need to examine our own biases and stereotypes about gender and identity, about compassion and acceptance. We need to teach our children to accept others, to honor differences, and that hurting anyone, even verbally, is never acceptable.

This may sound easy, but try it for a few days. Try to be exceptionally mindful of what you say, how you act, and what values you are communicating. Then remember that children – especially young children – are sponges, and they absorb everything we model to them.

It’s a tremendous responsibility. But raising a human being who is humane is a wonderful gift to the world. The change begins with us – ending sexual harassment of all kinds ends with me, and you, and our children.

References:

Baron-Cohen, S. (2003). The essential difference: The truth about the male & female brain. NY: Basic Books.

Bernstein, J.Y. & Watson, M.W. (1997, Aug.). Children who are targets of bullying: A victim pattern. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, vol. 12 no. 4, 483-498. doi: 10.1177/088626097012004001

Bussey, K., & Bandura, A. (1999). Social cognitive theory of gender development and differentiation. Psychological Review, 106, 676-713.

Bryant, A. (1993). Hostile hallways: The AAUW survey on sexual harassment in America’s school. Journal of School Health, 63, 355–357.

Campbell, J.J. & I’Anson, C. (2005). Beyond gender essentialism and the social construction of gender: Redefining the conception of gender through a reinvestigation of transgender theory. Retrieved December 29, 2010.

Chaudoir, S.R. & Quinn, D.M. (2010). Bystander sexism in the intergroup context: The impact of cat-calls on women’s reactions towards men. Sex Roles, 62:623–634. DOI 10.1007/s11199-009-9735-0

Chodorow, N. (1978). The reproduction of mothering: Psychoanalysis and the sociology of gender. Berkekey: University of California Press.

David & Brannon. (1976). The Forty-nine percent majority: The male sex role. NY: Addison-Wesley.

Davis, K.E., Ace, A. & Andra, M. (2000). Stalking Perpetrators and Psychological Maltreatment of Partners: Anger-Jealousy, Attachment Insecurity, Need for Control, and Break-Up Context. Violence and Victims, Vol. 15, No. 4, p. 407-425(19).

Eliot, L. (2009). Pink brain, blue brain: How small differences grow into troublesome gaps – and what we can do about it. NY: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company.

Eliot, M. & Cornell, D.G. (2009, April). Bullying in middle school as a function of insecure attachment and aggressive attitudes. School Psychology International, vol. 30 no. 2 201-214. doi: 10.1177/0143034309104148

Fine, C. (2010). Delusions of gender: How our minds, society, and neurosexism create difference. NY: W.W. Norton & Company.

Fredrickson, B. & Roberts, T. (1997). Objectification theory: Toward understanding women’s lived experiences and mental health risks. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 21, p. 173-206.

Gay, R. K. & Castano, E. (2010, March 3). My body or my mind: The impact of state and trait objectification on women's cognitive resources. European Journal of Social Psychology, 40: 695–703. doi: 10.1002/ejsp.731

Levant, R., et al (1992). The male role: An investigation of norms and stereotypes. Journal of Mental Health Counseling, 14, 325-337.

McClure, E.B. (2000, May). A meta-analytic review of sex differences in facial expression processing and their development in infants, children, and adolescents. Psychological Bulletin, 126(3):424-53.

McMaster, L.E., Connolly, J., Pepler, D. & Craig, W.M. (2002). Peer to peer sexual harassment in early adolescence: A developmental perspective. Development and Psychopathology, 14, 91–105.

Moradi, B., Dirks, D. & Matteson, A.V. (2005). Roles of sexual objectification experiences and internalization of standards of beauty in eating disorder symptomatology: A test and extension of objectification theory. Journal of Counseling Psychology, Vol. 52, No. 3, 420–428. DOI: 10.1037/0022-0167.52.3.420

Mossop, B. (2010, Aug. 17). The brains of our fathers: Does parenting rewire dads? Scientific American, retrieved from http://www.scientificamerican.com/article.cfm?id=the-brains-of-our-fathers

Murnen, S.K. & Smolak, L. (2000). The experience of sexual harassment among grade-school students: Early socialization of female subordination? Sex Roles, Vol. 43, Nos. 1 & 2. DOI: 0360-0025/00/0700-0001

Rifkin, J. (2009, Dec. 31). The empathic civilization: The race to global consciousness in a world in crisis. NY: Tarcher/Penguin.

Strelan, P. & Hargreaves, D. (2005, May). Women who objectify other women: The vicious circle of objectification? Sex Roles, Vol. 52, Nos. 9/10, p. 707-712. DOI: 10.1007/s11199-005-3737-3

Weinberg, M.K., Tronick, E.Z. & Cohn, J.F. (1999). Gender differences in emotional expressivity and self-regulation during early infancy. Developmental Psychology, Vol. 35, No. 1, 175-188. DOI: 0012-1649/99153.00


Saturday, November 27, 2010

Article Review: Obstacles to the dynamic understanding of therapist-patient sexual relations

I reviewed this article for my sexuality and sex therapy class. Gutheil & Gabbard (1992) look at the complexity of the therapist-client sexual relationship from a psychodynamic perspective - while the therapist is always violating ethical codes in having such a relationship, it's not nearly so cut and dried as people tend to view it.

When I was an undergrad way back in the day, my Psych 101 professor (who also had a private practice) was well-known in the community for sleeping with his attractive female clients. This was 1987 - there probably was not a law against it, although I'm sure even then it was an ethics violation. But no one ever reported him that I knew about. He was the guy most people think about when they hear of a therapist sleeping with a client - and while that is the majority of cases, it is certainly not ALL of them.
Full citation:
Gutheil, T., & Gabbard, G. (1992). Obstacles to the dynamic understanding of therapist-patient sexual relations. American Journal of Psychotherapy, 46(4), 515-525. Retrieved from MEDLINE with Full Text database.
Here is the introduction to the paper, just so it is clear that I nor the authors are condoning sexual misconduct and sexual relationships between therapist and client. [Interestingly, I did not feel the need to do this for class, but I do here in this public space.]
Introduction
Therapist-patient sexual misconduct represents a serious problem in clinical, legal, and ethical terms. Sexual relations of this nature are harmful to patients, destructive to the work of therapy, and damaging to the profession itself. Such behavior has become one of the chief sources of malpractice litigation against psychiatrists in recent years, and several states have now criminalized therapist-patient sexual misconduct.

Given the gravity of the issue and the need for a more comprehensive understanding of the dynamics that lead to such tragic distortions of the therapeutic relationship, it is alarming that the topic has become—in some quarters under some circumstances—undiscussable in rational and temperate discourse for reasons that include political and policy concerns. This difficulty in discussion, which constitutes the main topic of this communication, appears to relate to a number of factors, including a widespread longing for simplicity of world view, a longing that prompts resistance to a more complex (and hence, a more realistic) analysis. The unfortunate effect of this undiscussability, however, is the creation of an empirical and conceptual blind spot in the precise area where we desperately need to increase and expand our understanding.

The problems we are identifying were nicely captured in a recent Newsweek cover story entitled "Thought Police" (12/24/90). The essence of this article was that a number of current problems cannot be addressed in public discourse because they are seen as "politically incorrect" and thus unwelcome to their respective audiences. Strikingly, this form of oppression was highlighted in the story as occurring on academic campuses, traditionally arenas of freedom for unfettered discourse.

In the case of therapist-patient sexual misconduct, the "politically correct" version of the phenomenon is that a psychopathic male therapist preys on a victimized female patient, who herself plays no role in eliciting such behavior, and who is always severely traumatized by the experience. To attempt to examine the psychodynamics of the therapist, the patient, or the interaction between them may be viewed as either "blaming the victim" or overly sympathizing with the offender. In other words, it is not politically correct in some venues to approach cases of sexual misconduct as complex interactions deserving detailed and systematic psychodynamic understanding.

As an example of the kind of interference with empirical scientific inquiry with which we are concerned, one of us was recently presenting a paper to a large workshop audience on the subject of borderline personality disorder. In passing it was noted that a study of sexual transgressions by mental health professionals in an inpatient setting revealed that the patients involved were predominantly borderline. The presentation was immediately interrupted by a woman in the audience who said that therapist-patient sexual relations were caused by predatory male therapists and that it was therefore inappropriate to focus on the patients involved. The presenter explained that he was in no way "blaming" the patients but simply reporting the results of a study.

Another audience member rose to her feet and said that therapist-patient sex was always the fault of the therapist. The presenter agreed that only the therapist could be held responsible for the boundary violations under discussion. He went on to say, however, that studying the transference-countertransference dynamics of such interactions was extremely useful in that it provided a basis for educating professionals about warning signals and the need to seek consultation when such signals arise. A third audience member suggested that education was of no value and instead proposed that criminal penalties analogous to those for rape were the only answer.

In a recent article published by one of us,' the common countertransference responses evoked by borderline patients were discussed in some detail. Included among these countertransference responses was the tendency of some therapists to step outside their usual professional role in an effort to accommodate the intense demands and longings of patients with borderline psychopathology. In response to this article, a series of letters accused the author of "blaming the victim" even by examining these dynamics. One such letter stated:
Although Dr. Gutheil asserts [in the article] that he is not "blaming the victim," it is difficult to read his article without a strong sense that the patient's, not the therapist's problems give rise to sexual exploitation by the therapist . . . [Other comments] certainly suggest it is the patient's rather than the therapist's behavior and dynamics that bear scrutiny [in such cases] . [emphasis added]
Note the simplistic "zero-sum game" conceptualization, as though either member of the dyad must be the sole source of the problem. The possibility that both could be contributing to the situation was not even considered. Note also the implication that even scrutiny of dynamics itself may be "aimed" at one or the other party, but not both, in fine disregard of the inherently dyadic nature of therapy; indeed, one might infer, perhaps, that the letter writers believe that only the therapist's dynamics are suitable for scrutiny.
Hopefully, that establishes a sense of what these authors sought to do in this article. My brief summary follows:

Sexual relationships between therapist and clients have become the primary source of malpractice litigation against therapists in recent years. Many states have criminalized sexual misconduct on the part of mental health professionals.

The way the situation is generally viewed - the “politically correct” version - is that a psychopathic male therapist victimizes a wounded and vulnerable female patient who plays no role in creating the seduction. The challenge becomes finding a way into the situation that is honest and that does not look like “blaming the victim” or sympathizing with the offender. There must be a way to deal with the situation as the complex psychodynamic relationship that it is.

Several studies have found that the female patient in these relationships is often suffering from "borderline personality disorder" - I diagnosis that I personally do not support. Reports of these studies elicited accusations of “blaming the victim.”

The authors propose three axioms:
  1. Only the therapist has a professional code to violate, so only the therapist is liable or criminal – is blameworthy. The patient has no ethical code and therefore cannot be blameworthy.
  2. Both the therapist and the client are (in general) competent adults and are accountable for their behaviors, as are all adults. By Axiom 1, the victim is not being blamed. This is only intended to state that a complex interaction of transference-countertransference is at work.
  3. Only a careful and candid examination (without political correctness issues) of the psychodynamic issues can fairly explain a sexual relationship on this type. None of which means it will be easy, comfortable, or reassuring – only that doing so is in the best interests of the practice, the patients, and the public.
The usual obstacles to a careful examination of the situation:
  • All or nothing thinking (black and white morality) - people have a tendency to see these relationships as purely wrong on the part of the therapist, which is only a partial truth. The situation is often, though not always, more complex than it seems on the surface.
  • Gender bias (against males) – a lot of time is spent on this, demonstrating that yes, men are most likely to abuse, but that female-female “boundary violations” happen quite often and are not reported. Further, to even talk about female therapists as violators is often seen to be deflecting the issue away from men, not as presenting a whole picture.
Three primary truths (from the research, one of these is generally true):
  • The therapist was predatory.
  • The therapist felt pursued and coerced into a sexual relationship.
  • The therapist felt the sexual relationship was “true love.”
Three conclusions the authors reach based on the available research:
  1. Objective examinations of sensitive issues such as this do not always yield the results people most want to hear or feel comfortable with – outcomes may not fit “our favorite worldview.”
  2. The “politically correct” model therapist-patient misconduct is often true, but it is not accurate in all cases. Failing to objectively analyze each case because of ideological biases is wrong.
  3. The transference-countertransference developments (of which sexual misconduct is one type) in a therapeutic relationship are, by definition, repetitions of past relationships – they must be viewed in terms of the complexity inherent in all human relationships.
Finally, the authors offer this summary of their research on this topic:
SUMMARY
Several dynamic resistances appear to interfere with rational and empirically based discourse about therapist-patient sexual misconduct. These resistances include the lure of reductionism and a longing for simplicity; wishes for "political correctness"; gender bias; and confusion about the nature of the trauma in sexual misconduct.

We conclude that (1) empirical study may produce unpleasant results; (2) "politically incorrect" models of misconduct merit study with care equal to "politically correct" ones; and (3) those reenactments we call transference-countertransference should be viewed in all their human complexity. Only then will our increased understanding of misconduct offer hope of prevention.

Tuesday, April 13, 2010

Sexual Objectification Is More Damaging to Women Than You Might Think

http://sherryx.files.wordpress.com/2009/03/beautiful.jpg

Our culture has objectified women for a very long time - and many men still do this. However, objectification does exactly what that word implies: it makes a fully human, multi-dimensional human being into an object, an inanimate, one-dimensional plaything.

We know that objectification hurts a woman's self-esteem and self-image. Now we know that it also impairs their cognitive ability (as a result of dividing cognitive energy between two self-images). Key point about objectification:
A woman in this situation simultaneously sees herself as a unique individual and a generic sexual being. Dividing the psyche in this uncomfortable way “is likely to increase cognitive load, with a resulting decrease in the availability of cognitive resources for the tasks the individual engages in,” Gay and Castano write.
Here is the whole article.

New research suggests sexual objectification hinders some women’s cognitive ability.

By Tom Jacob | April 10, 2010


Guys, here’s something to consider the next time you ogle an attractive woman: Your desirous gaze may be reducing her capacity to think.

That’s the startling implication of a research paper titled “My Body or My Mind,” recently published in the European Journal of Social Psychology. It suggests some women who are objectified by men internalize this perception and think of themselves as “a sexual object to be scrutinized.” For reasons that are not entirely clear, this process appears to undermine their cognitive ability.

Psychologists Robin Gay and Emanuele Castano of the New School for Social Research tested this thesis with a clever experiment that mimics and magnifies what many women experience in everyday life. The study participants — 25 women ages 18 to 35 — were told they were recruited to provide information on “the impressions people form about others solely based on their carriage and style of dress.”

Each was videotaped for two minutes — first from the front, then from behind — while they walked up and down a hall. To capture the experience of having their bodies evaluated while their faces (which presumably provide a better reflection of their individual personalities) were ignored, they were filmed exclusively from the neck down.

For half the participants, the person doing the filming was male; for the other half, the camera was held by a woman. “Although there is no doubt that women tend to objectify other women, the sexually objectifying gaze is more likely to come from a man,” the researchers write.

After the filming, each woman watched her video, reinforcing the experience in her mind. She then filled out questionnaires measuring her levels of Trait Self-Objectification (her overall propensity to view herself through the lens of others) and State Self-Objectification (her tendency to view herself through the lens of others when triggered by a specific event, such as being stared at).

To test their cognitive skills, the women were shown a series of random letters or numbers and instructed to reorder them (putting them in alphabetical order for the letters, in ascending order for the numbers). They completed 21 such tasks, which were presented in increasing order of difficulty.

The results: When women with a tendency toward viewing themselves through the lens of others were placed in a situation where they were objectified (that is, they were videotaped by a man), they made a greater number of mistakes on the cognitive test. They did just as well as other women on the easy initial tasks, but had trouble when the difficulty level went up.

After a follow-up study found anxiety and self-esteem levels were not a factor, the researchers concluded their cognitive difficulties “might be due to a split in perspective regarding the self.” (This notion was first described in a 1997 paper by Barbara Fredrickson and Tomi-Ann Roberts.)

A woman in this situation simultaneously sees herself as a unique individual and a generic sexual being. Dividing the psyche in this uncomfortable way “is likely to increase cognitive load, with a resulting decrease in the availability of cognitive resources for the tasks the individual engages in,” Gay and Castano write.

They suggest further research would be valuable to discover why some women are prone to self-objectification, while others seem protected against it. Gay and Castano’s data suggest about 20 percent of women have a strong propensity toward self-objectification and are thus particularly susceptible to triggers, such as being stared at.

The researchers propose a campaign of awareness and education regarding this phenomenon, which could help women “begin to gain control over, or at least buffer themselves against” its negative cognitive impact. They conclude “it stands to reason that the cumulative effects of objectification on the female body over a lifetime may severely disrupt cognitive processes,” at least among this sizable slice of the population.

This is your brain on wolf whistles.

~ Tom Jacobs is a veteran journalist with more than 20 years experience at daily newspapers. He has served as a staff writer for the Los Angeles Daily News and the Santa Barbara News-Press. His work has also appeared in the Los Angeles Times, Chicago Tribune and Ventura County Star.

Wednesday, January 13, 2010

Ed Yong - How objectification silences women - the male glance as a psychological muzzle

Interesting and informative post from Ed Yong at Not Exactly Rocket Science on how male objectification of women, especially of their bodies, silences women. When men objectify women, we reduce their humanity, making them little more than a body - an object. The "male glance" has long been a topic of feminist studies, but there is objective proof that how men "view" women has an impact on how they view themselves.

How objectification silences women - the male glance as a psychological muzzle

Posted on: January 12, 2010 9:30 AM, by Ed Yong

For something intangible, a glance can be a powerful thing. It can carry the weight of culture and history, it can cause psychological harm, and it can act as a muzzle. Consider the relatively simple act of a man staring at a woman's body. This is such a common part of modern society that most of us rarely stop to think of its consequences, much less investigate it with a scientific lens.

Headless-barbie.jpg

Tamar Saguy is different. Leading a team of Israeli and US psychologists, she has shown that women become more silent if they think that men are focusing on their bodies. They showed that women who were asked to introduce themselves to an anonymous male partner spent far less time talking about themselves if they believed that their bodies were being checked out. Men had no such problem. Nor, for that matter, did women if they thought they were being inspected by another woman.

Saguy's study is one of the first to provide evidence of the social harms of sexual objectification - the act of treating people as "de-personalised objects of desire instead of as individuals with complex personalities". It targets women more often than men. It's apparent in magazine covers showing a woman in a sexually enticing pose, in inappropriate comments about a colleague's appearance, and in unsolicited looks at body parts. These looks were what Saguy focused on.

She recruited 207 students, 114 of whom were women, on the pretence of studying how people communicate using expressions, gestures and vocal cues. Each one sat alone in a room with a recorder and video camera. They had two minutes to introduce themselves to a male or female partner, using a list of topics such as "plans for the future" or "four things you like doing the most". The partner was supposedly sat in the next room and either watching the speaker from the neck up, watching from the neck down, or just listening on audio. The camera was tilted or blocked accordingly.

Saguy found that women talked about themselves for less time than men, but only if they thought they were being visually inspected by a man, and particularly if they thought their bodies were being checked out. They used the full two minutes if they were describing themselves to another woman (no matter where the camera was pointing) or if they were speaking to a man who could hear but not see them. But if their partner was a man watching their bodies, they spoke for just under one-and-a-half minutes. You can see these differences in the graph below (although note that the y-axis starts at 60, a practice I don't particularly like).

Men had no such qualms. They used the full two minutes regardless of whether they were being watched or listened to, and no matter the gender of their partner. The fact that men didn't react in the same way is important. For a start, it shows that it's a man's gaze and not just any downward glance that affects a woman's behaviour. It also puts paid to the false equivalence arguments that are often put forward when discussing gender issues (i.e. "women look at male bodies too").

Talking-time.jpg

When the students answered a questionnaire after the experiment, both men and women "felt more like a body than as a real person" if the camera focused on them from the neck down. But only the women were really put off by it. Around 61% of them disliked the body-pointed camera, compared to just 32% who disliked the face-pointing one or 7% who disliked the audio. For the men, 36% disliked the body camera, 42% disliked the face one and 22% disliked the audio.

Objectification.jpg

As Saguy explains, "When a woman believes that a man is focusing on her body, she narrows her presence... by spending less time talking." There are a few possible reasons for this. Saguy suspects that objectification prompts women to align their behaviour with what's expected of them - silent things devoid of other interesting traits. Treat someone like an object, and they'll behave like one. Alternatively, worries about their appearance might simply distract them from the task at hand.

Obviously, this experiment used a fairly artificial scenario. In the real world, social interactions are more complicated and objectification can take place more subtly, with a quick glance rather than a blatantly angled camera.

Even so, these behaviours don't go unnoticed. They could be major problems if the same detrimental silencing effect in Saguy's study applies in real-world situations where being vocal is important for success - job interviews, work meetings, networking sessions, classrooms and more. There will always be hardened lechers among us but often, objectification happens without us thinking about it or becoming aware of it. It's time, perhaps, that more of us did.

Reference: Saguy et al. 2010. Interacting Like a Body: Objectification Can Lead Women to Narrow Their Presence in Social Interactions. Psychological Science http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0956797609357751